Hyperboreus is an academic journal of classical scholarship publishing research in all areas, including papyrology, epigraphy and the arts. Priority is given to studies with a clear argument based upon interpretation of primary sources as well as to publications of new materials.
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О некоторых особенностях понимания “промысла” и “судьбы” в христианской мысли поздней античности [Grigorij I. Benevich: On Some Aspects of Christian Teaching on Providence and Fate in Late Antiquity]
This paper examines the way Christian thought of Late Antiquity transformed the theory of providence and fate found in pagan philosophy. It shows that the concept of fate was not rejected by Christian thinkers (as it is commonly believed), but that it underwent a long process of transformation. Several important Christian thinkers have been studied in this context, among them Justin Martyr, Clement of Alexandria, Eusebius of Caesarea, Nemesius of Emessa, Evagrius and Maximus the Confessor. Special attention is paid to Nemesius’s constructive criticism of the Middle Platonists’ teaching on fate and necessity. It is shown that Maximus the Confessor’s theory of providence and judgment may be treated as a Christian alternative to theory of providence and fate found in pagan philosophy (especially in the Platonists). Maximus did receive his notions of God’s providence and judgment from Evagrius, but he modiﬁed his concepts, so they were no longer a variation of a common Platonic myth, which was typical of both Evagrius and Origen. From Nemesius, Maximus received his deﬁnition of providence elaborated in a dialogue with Middle Platonists. Unlike many other Christian authors, Maximus understood God’s judgment not only as a moral judgment and punishment or reward, but predominantly as an act of ontological differentiation and maintenance of individuals and species in their unique features and movement towards God. Maximus’s theory of providence and judgment presupposed a dynamic view of a world order, which was a fulﬁllment of God’s plan. Unlike his pagan predecessors, particularly Hierocles (whose views are also discussed in the paper), Maximus did not make God’s judgment and justice some “lower” deity or force in comparison with providence. In Maximus, both God’s providential care for the world and for each human being and God’s judgment (understood in its ontological dimension) were equally and eternally belonging to One God, as were His two main forces directed towards His creation.
Thunﬁschfang: bei den Eretriern und Naxiern oder auf? (Aelian. De nat. anim. XV, 5)
Aelian in the detailed description of ancient tuna ﬁshing (De nat. anim. XV, 5) mentions that Naxians and Eretrians knew about it according to Herodotus and others. Commonly it is understood in literal sense: inhabitants of Naxos and Eretria use this way of ﬁshing, as Aelian alleges. But arguments, on which this interpretation is based, seem unreliable. More plausible is to see in Aelian’s account an obvious hint at Persian tactics of depopulation, that Herodotus describes using the verb σαγηνεύειν.
De mari Aegaeo ad Siciliae litora sito (Luc. Phars. II, 665)
Describing Caesar’s attempts to keep Pompey from leaving Brundisium’s harbour with the help of masonry and rocks, Lucan compares this useless work with throwing mount Eryx into the Aegean sea and Gaurus into the lake Avernus (2, 665–668). The former is most surprizing. Editors that retain the reading of the manuscripts either interpret Aegaei as a designation of a deep sea in general or incriminate to Lucan a geographical error. The most popular emendation is Bentley’s Aeolii, supported by Housman. The author defends Burmann’s proposal that the “Aegean sea” refers to a part of the Mediterranean near the Aegadian islands to the north of Sicily. In general, Lucan is rather bold in forming geographical epithets, cf. Perseus in the sense of Persicus in 6, 449. Moreover, there is another passage in the Pharsalia, where mare Aegaeum arguably stands for the “Aegadian” sea, viz. 5, 612–614: thus the Tyrrhenian sea migrated to “Aegadian” would be geographically symmetrical to the following conﬂict of the Ionian and the Adriatic seas.
Catullus 34 and Horace, Odes 1, 21 have often been compared because of their thematic similarity (hymn to Diana resp. to Diana and Apollo), but the degree of inward participation has been overlooked. In Catullus c. 72 it has been underestimated how near the poet had come to a discovery of the indomitable unconscious.
playful imperfection and formal neatness
discovery of the unconscious by Catullus
The author investigates semantics of Latin tenebricosus and its various connotations. She argues against D. F. S. Thomson’s assertion that tenebricosus in Cat. 3, 11 has colloquial character, which lends to the poem a degree of parody.
Caesar, the Germani, and Rome: Ethnography and Politics in the De Bello Gallico
At the opening of De bello Gallico Caesar gives a description of hostile tribes which is surprisingly positive. They are said to be uncivilized and restless, as we might expect. But he does not judge these characteristics negatively. Rather, he contrasts them favourably with the ‘effeminacy’ of Gaul allies, whom he deems to have been spoiled by contact with Roman civilization. I suggest that this passage and others like it throw light on Caesar’s views concerning society and civilization. Here, in fact, Caesar is using his enemies as a way of reﬂecting on an alternative and more valuable model for Rome itself.
Homo an Liber? Zur Ethik des Scherzens in Cicero, De Off. 1, 103 f.
In his treatment of temperantia (De off. 1, 93–151), Cicero discusses the self-evident natural principle of decorum, closely linked with that of honestum. Cicero illustrates it by an analogy from drama, where a person’s utterance should suit his/her character. Thus decorum requires us to control, among other things, our wit and jest. There are two kinds of them, one in accordance with decorum, the other not. The vulgate reading of a central statement about iocus is: Alter est, si tempore ﬁt, ut si remisso animo, <vel severissimo> homine dignus, alter ne libero quidem, si rerum turpitudo adhibetur aut verborum obscenitas. In the context of Cicero’s argument, it makes better sense to abstain from the insertion <vel severissimo> and read: et<iam>si remisso animo, homine dignus, where homo refers to all human beings (including slaves) and liber to all free human beings. A biographical cause for Cicero’s discussion can be found in an attack waged on him by Antonius, accusing him of undue joking while he stayed at Pompey’s camp (Phil. 2, 39).
What is polykoiranie? Aristotle and Aristarchus on Il. 2, 204
Both Aristotle and Aristarchus felt uneasy about Odysseus’ praise of monarchy (and disparagement of polykoiranie) in Iliad 2, 203–205: the Stagirite tried to give a suitable philosophical explanation of the passage in his Politics, while the Alexandrian philologist (perhaps in the wake of Aristotle’s doubts) decided tout court to transpose the lines. The present paper tries to follow the reasons and forms of this debate down to the imperial age.
On an Attic stemmed plate a dancing girl approaches a chelys-lyre that lies on the ground, whereas the inscription ΧΟΡΦΕΛΕΣ indicates a chorus performance. In Classical Athens, a maidens’ chorus seems only thinkable on religious occasions (the paper lists known cases of Athenian women dancing and singing at the cult ceremonies). Lyres lying on the ground (in outdoor scenes), as well as instruments hanging on the wall, cannot be interpreted as producing sounds. Therefore in the image under consideration, although the dance has already begun, the lyre does not sound yet – and this needs an explanation. There is evidence that the choruses were accompanied both by stringed and wind-instruments, sometimes in turns. Therefore I suggest that the girl is ﬁnishing a dance while being accompanied by an aulos and is hurrying to pick up the lyre to accompany the second part of the performance. For a number of choes with a lyre on the ground and dancing or running ﬁgures nearby the same interpretation is possible, but it is not necessary, since we can interpret them as simple merry-making or as school competitions. The intended purpose of depicting a lyre on the ground may be various, but an explanation, which does not suggest that an instrument played by no one implies the music that accompanies the scene, is always possible. In the Classical period, symbolic meaning of a lyre is still inseparable from its actual use.
The Education of Artists in Ancient Greece
In this article, the issues concerning the education of ancient artists from the early archaic period until the early Hellenistic times are addressed. The whole corpus of passages of ancient authors concerning this topic is cited and discussed as well as the inﬂuence of philosophical ideas and of the mentality of different periods upon the training and learning of artists. Thus the history of this subject from the 8th c. BC until the early 3rd c. BC is attempted as far as it is allowed by the available surviving evidence.
Scandinavian Background of Greek Mythic Cosmography: The Sun’s Water Transport
Many Greek poets, including very early ones, referred to the sun’s night journey in a cup-like device. Most of them spoke of the ‘cup’; the poet of the Titanomachia, followed by other writers, called it the ‘cauldron’. Mimnermus described it as a ‘winged hollow bed’, but Athenaeus may be right in interpreting Mimnermus’ words as a hint at the hollow shape of a cup. The only detailed exposition of Helios’ daily voyage comes from Mimnermus. It includes nontrivial idea of the Sun’s god changing vehicle. During the day Helios travels in a chariot and during the night he uses a ‘winged hollow bed’ to sail from the place of the sunset to the place of the sunrise. It is argued in this paper that the motif of the sun’s night journey in a cup-like device originated either in the Danube region or in Scandinavia and that the motif of the Sun’s god changing vehicle is of Scandinavian provenance.
Peter Riedlberger: Philologischer, historischer und liturgischer Kommentar zum 8. Buch der Johannis des Goripp
Per il testo degli Scriptores Historiae Augustae
The aim of this paper is to cast new light on the textual constitution of some passages of the Historia Augusta. 127 pieces are discussed and for the most of them a new solution is proposed; in the other cases the author argues for a solution already proposed, but not accepted by the editors.
Эскадра Траяна на Красном море: Евтропий, Дион Кассий и Перипл Эритрейского моря [Alexandr Tcherniak: Trajan’s Fleet on the Red Sea: Eutropius, Cassius Dio and the Periplus Maris Erythraei]
The article discusses the passage of Eutropius about the ﬂeet established by Traian on the Red Sea (Eutr. Brev. 8. 3. 2 In mari Rubro classem instruit, ut per eam Indiae ﬁnes vastaret). The author analyses the evidence of Eutropius and Festus as well as relevant epigraphic material, in the ﬁrst place the recently discovered Roman inscription from the Farasan archipelago dated from AD 144 (AE 2004, no. 1643). The author interprets the sentence from the Periplus Maris Erythraei (PME) 20 that “the Caesar destroyed (or conquered) Adane/Aden” as referring to Traian (ch. 3). Since this interpretation contradicts the commonly accepted dating of the Periplus to AD 70s – 90s, the author reassesses the problem of dating. Apart from the passage on the capture of Aden, the dating of the Periplus depends on the interpretation of the words “to Petra to Malich the king”. The latter is usually believed to be Malich II (AD 60–75); however, it might also have been his homonymous grandson, who was possibly sent by Romans to Petra as ethnarch of Nabateans (AD 114?) and later moved to Hegra. The Malich’s title “the king of Nabateans” (PME) is arguably a later gloss. As a result, the Periplus can be dated between AD 106 and 114. In ch. 5 “Traian and India” the author explains Traian’s attention to India by his interest in Eastern trade, which resulted both in the Parthian war and in the establishing of a ﬂeet on the Red Sea and Indian Ocean. In ch. 6 “Parthians and Saks in the PME”, the author discusses the following questions: 1) the presence of the Parthians in Eastern Arabia; 2) strife of the Parthian princelings in the valley of the Indus (due to the Kushans’ invasion?); 3) the naval policy of the Saks who convoyed all merchant ships to Barigasa. All these circumstances required the presence of the Roman ﬂeet.
Trimalchio’s Astrology: Naïve Superstitions or Intentional Jokes? (Petr. Sat. 35. 1–5; 39. 5–12)
Trimalchio’s zodiacal forecasts in ch. 39 do not indicate his liability to astrological superstitions, being a set of intentional jokes similar to the handing out of the apophoreta in ch. 56. Likewise, the foodstuffs assigned to zodiacal signs in ch. 35 aim at exquisite culinary design and are not to be imputed to simple-minded occultism.
Rhetorik auf dem Schlachtfeld: Caesar, Pompeius und Labienus vor der Entscheidung bei Pharsalus (De Bello Civili III, 85–87)
Chapters 82–87 of Book III of Caesar’s Bellum civile depict the preparations before the Pharsalus battle. The narrator of the Bellum civile reproduces three speeches: by Caesar, by Pompey and by Titus Labienus. This paper analyses the content, structure and function of these three speeches with regard to the general characterisation of the two commanders-in-chief within the Bellum civile, and with a speciﬁc view to the subsequent course of events. Inter alia, the question is asked how the speeches foreshadow the following actions of Caesar and Pompey, and how they may be understood in the wider context of the possible intentions of the Bellum civile as such. It can be demonstrated that the narrator of the Bellum civile ‘navigates’ his reader through the text in a manipulative manner, so that Caesar appears in a decidedly positive way, whereas Pompey’s portrait is equally negative.
A lead tablet, found in 2011 under the waters of the Taman Bay near the ancient townsite of Hermonassa, preserves the text of a private letter that can be dated to 450–440 BC. The text of the letter runs as follows: “Kledikos to Aristokrates. Aristokrates! It is Kledikos who writes to thee. I know that Mandrocharis, as diaitetes, is arbitrating for those evils that are taking place right here. Having arrived to the house of Sokrates [take ? … and] having gathered the remainder in one room, seal up [the door]!” Thus the letter allows us to assume, albeit cautiously, the existence of a court of diaitetai for private suits, in Hermonassa.
Раннепифагорейская астрономия в свете китайских параллелей [Dmitri Panchenko: Early Pythagorean Astronomy in the Light of Chinese Parallels]
Late authors, Iamlichus, Proclus and Simplicius, attribute to the Pythagoreans the invention of epicycles and eccentric circles. The evidence was accepted by B. L. Van der Waerden, but repeatedly denied by the majority of scholars. The parallels found in Chinese treatise The Zhou bi suan jing help to see that the ideas of epicycles and eccentric circles were indeed familiar to early Greek astronomy of Anaximenian type, though they were designed and used in a way different from that of the late Greek astronomy. They could have been found in a work by one of early mathematikoi. Since there was a tradition according to which Pythagorean scientists were collectively also named mathematikoi, the ideas of the former group could have been attributed to the latter, and possibly not without a reason.
Index nominum – Index institutorum, sodalitatum, actorum
The paper presents an overview of the history of St Petersburg Grammar school (school no. 610). Since its foundation in 1989 it remains the only state-funded school with obligatory study of both ancient languages in Russia. The author discusses the aims and principles of the school and analyses its program of Greek and Latin in comparison to the Classical schools of modern Europe and in prerevolutionary Russia.
Classical Education: Problems and Prospects
The paper deals with the history of the 3rd St Petersburg Grammar school (founded in 1726 as the school at the Academy of Sciences and transformed into Russia’s ﬁrst Classical grammar school in 1811). The history of the School (regarded as “the most Classical”) demonstrates vividly changes through which Classical education in Russia went: the adoption of the European educational system (“Uvarov’s classicism”), in the early 19th century, D. Tolstoy’s and other reforms in the 2nd half of this century, and the discredit of the Classical education in the early 20th century. The paper focuses on the views on Classical education of the Russian poet Afanasij Fet and surveys the recollections of the School alumni, including some in verse by D. S. Merezkovskij.
Die Kaiserliche Archäologische Kommission und die Erforschung der klassischen Altertümer im nördlichen Schwarzmeergebiet (1859–1917)
The article deals with the history of the Imperial Archaeological Commission since its foundation in 1859 and its leading role in the revelation and study of the ancient sites of Pantikapaion, Phanagoreia, the Bosporus mounds, Chersonesos Taurike, Olbia, and Berezan. The author places emphasis on the activity of A. A. Vasil’čikov, N. P. Kondakov, I. E. Zabelin, V. V. Latyšev, B. V. Farmakovskij among others.
ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTIONS AND SOCIETIES
Gangolf von Kieseritzky and the Classical Department of the Hermitage in the Last Decades of the 19th Century
The paper describes the atmosphere that reigned at the Classical Department of the Hermitage in the 2nd half of the 19th century. This atmosphere was greatly inﬂuenced by the personalities of the three Heads of the Department of that period: L. Stephani, R.-G.-G. von Kieseritzky and E. M. Pridik.
The Classical Department of the Hermitage
The Absent Academy: the Organisation of Classical Scholarship in Nineteenth-century England
The focus of the paper is on the surprisingly late creation of the British Academy (1902). It is shown how, in the absence of an Academy, Classical studies were organized in nineteenth-century Great Britain: the peculiarities and correlations of the Universities, the emergence of Classical journals, and the possibilities of building a scholarly career.
ORGANIZING CLASSICS FORMALLY AND INFORMALLY